Dear Sisters, Brothers, and Friends,
The following message is a request for your support in the denunciation of
the oppression and massacre of indigenous peoples in Qullasuyu-Bolivia.
"Indian Blood is being Spilled by Racist Colonialism"
Repression and war are two words that have become elements that are all too
common and familiar when describing the relationship that the Bolivian state
is imposing on indigenous peoples of the country, especially on those who
follow the Andean tradition of cultivating land in a variety of ecosystems
and have established small fields and markets in the Yungas region. The same
treatment is being carried out against indigenous peoples of Eastern Bolivia
and the Chaco area where the 1952 Agrarian Reform was never enforced and
where even now the Guarani-Chiriguano as well as other indigenous peoples
live as slaves to large landholders. These same landholders have powerful
ties to all levels of the government.
The Chapare Yungas, where the cultivation of the coca plant has been
penalized by the State, has been turned into a veritable battleground
between army and police troops and indigenous peasants who continue to grow
the traditional crop because it is one of the few commercial products that
generates an income for the tens of thousands of indigenous families settled
there. In spite of the rule of law that governs the nation of Bolivia, the
way the State resolves the drug traffic problem is through recourse to
violence and bullets. Ironically, the very same white-mestizo class in power
introduced this problem. Indeed, the list of narco traffickers with
aristocratic last names is very long, and a number of them are close
relatives of some of the country¹s former presidents.
The repression against peasants who cultivate the coca leaf, which is sacred
to all Andean native peoples, is discriminatory and racist! The State and
the media portray them as if they were a band of delinquents. Nevertheless,
the white people who are major players are treated like heroes (something
like Robin Hood) and they have never received the same treatment that the
military and police employ today against indigenous peoples, including women
and children. The State¹s attitude and behavior, especially on the part of
those people who are involved in governmental organizations, is colonial in
nature; for them the life and dignity of indigenous peoples neither exists
nor is worth anything.
Indigenous peoples, including rural and urban peasants (the latter group
increasingly grows in number), are First Nation peoples of this country.
Colonialism stripped us of our power as a nation and of our families¹
properties, and so consequently transformed our freedom into slavery. We ask
how long can this situation continue; what are the physical and juridical
privileges that safeguard the privileges of a minority that has usurped our
lands and territory? How far does the incomprehension go of these people who
think that Indians will continue to serve them, working for hunger wages,
all the while knowing that these are their lands? It is in this context that
the conflict over land reveals the brutality of colonialism. The large
landholders, besides counting on paramilitary groups, enjoy State
protection. Through the use and support of the State¹s repressive apparatus,
they attempt to appropriate communally-held indigenous lands, even though
indigenous peoples are the legitimate owners.
This undeniable colonial situation has translated into the genocidal
assassination of ten indigenous peasants who were members of the
organization Movimiento Sin Tierra (the Movement of People Without Land) in
Paranti, Yacuiba. The authors of this crime were large landholders and paid
assassins who also left more than twenty women and children wounded. The
People¹s Counsel Ana María Campero declared that "all the peasants were
killed by a single bullet to the heart" which means that they were hunted by
sharpshooters as if they were enemies or simply animals that need to be
cleared off the land. This colonial violence cannot go unpunished nor can
the massacre of Amayapampa and Capacirca that was covered up by an Indian
who presided over the Congress of the Republic at the time[The statement is
referring to then Vice President Víctor Hugo Cardenas, and thus it
underscores the continuing nature of colonial violence]. It is our moral
obligation to denounce these actions and to call for the punishment of the
criminals. Indigenous peoples, institutions, and organizations have the
obligation to end colonialism, so that there be no more victims among our
people, and so that the tears of the victims¹ widows never more rend the
heart of Qullasuyu.
Qullasuyu (Bolivia), Nov. 9, 2001
Attached Document (from the Bolivian Newspaper La Razón)
Military and Police impose military law and take discreet action in the
More than 500 members of the combined forces attacked the population and
coca growers who had set up barricades and set tires on fire. The government
affirmed that it would not negotiate the "cato" de coca [each family has
called for the right to cultivate one "cato"of coca. A "cato" is a small
field measuring 1,500 square meters] .
Bullets rang out in the tropics. As if it were a conventional war operation,
the combined forces of the police and army occupied the town of Eterazama,
35 kilometers north of Villa Tunari. The action took a little more than an
hour and six people were detained.
This action coincided with the governmental decision to maintain military
and police control in the tropics and to uphold the President of the
Republic, Jorge Quiroga¹s instructions to not budge in the efforts to
eradicate coca plants.
A few hours after leaving for the United States and following a cabinet
meeting, Jorge Quiroga instructed his ministers to resolve the conflict in
the Chapare region within the limits of the law. "The instruction was clear:
the Government will not negotiate a single centimeter of coca" said the
governmental spokesperson, Mauro Bertero. In this way, the government closed
off all possibility for negotiation with the coca producers who insist on
the right of one cato of coca for each family. Both sides are virtually at a
standoff and basically the Chapare region is under police and military rule.
Six commanders from the different military and police forces are present in
the Chapare to stop any efforts on the part of the coca growers to meet. As
soon as a gathering is detected, members of the police arrive and disperse
tear gas, they bludgeon the coca growers and, after dispersing them, they
The Public Defender well known in the tropics, Godofredo Reinike expressed
concern because no one is taking responsibility for the beatings of the
Yesterday in Eterazama, the combined military forces detained a group of
people; the magnitude of such an action is without precedent in the region.
The action took place following a gathering of the people and the
announcement by Evo Morales, the leader of the coca growers, stating that
they would remain there waiting for a high level commission that would give
him guarantees for a dialogue.
Some peasants set up a barricade with rocks and tires, but the police and
military that had encircled the people, attempted to clear out the area with
tear gas and rubber bullets. Nevertheless, the protesters, the majority of
whom were young people and women, continued to reinforce the barricades with
rocks, roofing materials, large containers, and burning tires. They stayed
there reprimanding the military and police forces, and calling on them to
leave the area.
General Remy Ramírez, of the Seventh Division of the Army, who was in
command of the armed forces, affirmed that he had received specific
instructions to prohibit road blockades. He explained that Eterazama would
remain surrounded by armed forces because the area had been turned into a
bunker for the leader and representative Evo Morales. "We haven¹t prohibited
him from leaving, but if he wants to, he¹ll have to come out alone," Ramírez
Many of the demonstrators threw rocks at the police, while another large
group of the army entered the town via another district.
The representative of Eterazama¹s Human Rights Organization, Rolando
Gutiérrez Aguilar, estimated that yesterday¹s military and police operation
included at least 500 soldiers in uniform. The operation took the
townspeople by surprise when they saw the police and military appearing on
all sides. There was no possible means of escape.
The Mayor Henry Terrazas Verduguez directed the taking of the town, which
lasted more than two hours. The operation began at 1:00pm with the firing of
weapons into the air, and the shooting of tear gas and rubber bullets into
the group of protesters who fled through adjacent streets.
The concentrated firing of shots lasted an hour and a half. Many people hid
inside their homes, but the police, with their faces painted and armed with
tear gas and automatic weapons, launched tear gas into the homes, even into
those homes occupied by the civilian population, including children.
In the middle of the armed action, in the town¹s main street, two large
bonfires of tires burned. The black smoke from the bonfire mixed in with the
smoke of the tear gas.
The police detained two youths and three women. The first were taken out by
side streets and accused of throwing rocks with slings. The uniformed
soldiers forced the women out by twisting their arms behind their backs. The
three women were accused of carrying dynamite, however, when the police
searched them they found nothing.
Following the military action, the town was deserted and only uniformed
soliders and a few journalists and photographers remained in the streets.
The military came in as far as the place where the Human Rights Organization
has a small office, which now serves as protection for the leader Evo
Morales. There too the military attempted to throw tear gas.
The combined forces remained in the town for another hour, and then little
by little they regrouped at the bridge by the town¹s entrance and at the
other side by the San Pedro road, to continue their watch. Morales denounced
the Government, stating that it had violated all the laws and human rights
of the area.
Facts Resulting from the Violence
The detained included: Juan Vargas Rivera (17 years old, student); Nazario
Cerna González (from San Lorenzo jurisdiction, Pedro Domingo Murillo);
Apolonia Sárez (Isinuta jurisdiction); Marina Moreira Ríos (20 years old,
Alto San Pedro, Bolívar); Elsa Méndez (42 years old, Miraflores
jurisdiction, central Eterazama), and Hernán Aguilar (Cañadón jurisdiction,
Eterazama). This is only a partial list of detainees.
Wounded in the takeover of Eterazama: The Human Rights Office confirmed that
some 15 people had been wounded (2 seriously). The soldiers also dispersed a
peasant gathering in Chipiriri, where 11 people were forcibly evacuated from
the area hospital. The wounded had many bruises and open wounds from the
rubber bullets and tear gas projectiles.